How "tough on crime" politics exploits emotion over evidence
Politicians have weaponised fear of crime for over 50 years, creating a sophisticated form of political theatre that consistently wins elections while failing to improve public safety. This comprehensive analysis reveals how these strategies exploit psychological vulnerabilities, distort public perception through media amplification, and cause profound harm to marginaliaed communities—particularly in Australia where Indigenous children face imprisonment at rates 22-33 times higher than non-Indigenous youth. Amnesty The evidence demonstrates that while fear-based messaging remains politically potent, rehabilitative approaches consistently outperform punitive policies in reducing crime, cutting costs, and creating safer communities.
"Tough on crime" politics emerged as a deliberate strategy in the 1960s when politicians discovered they could exploit social anxieties for electoral gain. Richard Nixon's 1968 "law and order" campaign created the template still used today: amplify fear, propose harsh symbolic policies, and target racial minorities through coded language. AustliiWikipedia As Nixon's advisor H.R. Haldeman privately noted, the strategy aimed to "devise a system that recognizes [the Black community as the problem] while not appearing to." Longreads This cynical approach succeeded despite Nixon's team having no genuine faith in their policies' effectiveness—they aimed to "cook up legislative proposals to make political points" rather than solve problems. Sage Journals
The psychological mechanisms enabling this manipulation are well-documented. The availability heuristic causes people to overestimate crime frequency based on memorable media coverage, Wikipedia +2 while "Mean World Syndrome" makes heavy news consumers believe the world is far more dangerous than reality. Pew Research Center +4 Politicians exploit these cognitive biases by highlighting vivid crime stories during campaigns, knowing that 61% of local news leads focus on crime mediaed despite decades of declining crime rates. SpringerLinkNih This creates a persistent perception gap: 78% of people believe crime is increasing pewresearch when violent crime has actually fallen 49% since 1993. Pew Research Center +3
If it bleeds, it leads" journalism generates higher ratings while being cheap to produce
Media amplification plays a crucial role in this theatre. "If it bleeds, it leads" journalism generates higher ratings while being cheap to produce, creating economic incentives for sensationalised coverage. NPR +2 Crime reporting systematically overrepresents violent incidents and minority perpetrators—75% of criminals are portrayed as Black on local news versus 51% actual arrest rates. Ic4ml +2 This distorted coverage cultivates fear that politicians then promise to address through increasingly punitive measures.
David Crisafulli's "adult crime, adult time" policies in Queensland exemplify how contemporary politicians continue exploiting crime fears despite overwhelming evidence of harm. Within weeks of becoming Premier in October 2024, Crisafulli expanded laws allowing children as young as 10 to receive adult sentences, SBS NewsAged Care Insite now covering 33 offences including rape, murder, and drug trafficking. Statements +2 This approach directly violates UN conventions on children's rights while targeting Indigenous youth who already face systematic discrimination.
The disconnect between political rhetoric and reality is stark. Youth crime represents only 13% of overall crime in Queensland, down from 17% a decade ago. Qao Youth offender rates decreased from 1,925 to 1,828 per 100,000 in 2023-24. AbsStatements Only 1% of Queensland young people aged 10-16 are charged with offences annually. Aic Yet News Corp's Courier Mail ran 173 sensationalist articles in three months with headlines about "ruthless youths" and "teenage menaces," creating the perception of a crisis requiring harsh response. Taylor & Francis
Within weeks of becoming Premier in October 2024, Crisafulli expanded laws allowing children as young as 10 to receive adult sentences
Indigenous girls face detention at 33 times the rate of non-Indigenous girls. Taylor & FrancisPc This continues colonial patterns of control through incarceration that scholars describe as "genocidal carcerality"—using prisons to eliminate targeted groups through transformation and cultural destruction rather than physical extermination.
The "tough on crime" playbook operates remarkably consistently across democracies. In the United States, politicians from George Wallace to Donald Trump have used explicit "law and order" rhetoric to mobilise white voters' racial anxieties. MinnPost +2 The 1988 Willie Horton advertisement became the archetypal example of racialised fear in political campaigns, with strategist Lee Atwater deliberately using racial imagery while maintaining plausible deniability. Wikipedia +4 This single ad campaign shaped sentencing policy for 30 years as politicians feared appearing "soft on crime."
The costs of this political theatre are staggering. California's Three Strikes law added $19 billion to prison budgets while sentencing people to life for non-violent crimes—with 45% of those serving life sentences being African American despite representing 6% of the state's population. Stanford Law School The UK nearly doubled its prison population between 1992 and 2010 without proportional crime reduction benefits. CrimeandjusticeOjp Canada's tough-on-crime mandatory minimums were repeatedly struck down by courts as "cruel and unusual punishment" that cast "too wide a net." CBC +3
Yet public opinion has shifted dramatically. Recent polling shows 87% of Americans support criminal justice reform, including 76% of Republicans. In Australia's 2018 Victorian election, the Liberal Party's "African gangs" campaign failed spectacularly, demonstrating that fear-based messaging has limits when it overreaches. OUP AcademicThe Conversation Portugal's drug decriminalisation policy, which reduced drug deaths by 90% and HIV infections by similar amounts, has survived seven different administrations through persistent public education about evidence-based approaches. Transform Wikipedia
Fear-based political messaging succeeds by hijacking our brain's threat-detection systems. When politicians invoke crime fears, they activate fast, emotional decision-making that bypasses analytical thinking. PBSPsychology Today This reduces voters' reliance on partisan habits and increases openness to new information—but only information that confirms the threat narrative. Nih Fear appeals show moderate effectiveness (d = 0.43 effect size) but work best when targeting undecided voters between ideological clusters. Taylor & Francis +2
"Moral panic" theory explains how politicians create "folk devils"—groups stripped of positive characteristics and assigned exclusively negative traits. Stanley Cohen's framework identifies five components: heightened concern, moral outrage, widespread consensus about threats, disproportionate response, and rapid emergence of fear. Simply Psychology +3 Contemporary examples include campaigns against immigrants, LGBTQ+ communities, and racial minorities, with success depending on pre-existing anxieties and group visibility.
The creation of these panics follows predictable patterns. Politicians identify vulnerable minority groups, amplify isolated incidents through media partnerships, connect disparate social anxieties to single scapegoats, then propose simple solutions like increased policing or harsh penalties. Lrt Research from Eastern Europe shows these tactics work best during economic uncertainty when communities seek explanations for complex problems.
"Moral panic" theory explains how politicians create "folk devils"—groups stripped of positive characteristics and assigned exclusively negative traits.
Decades of rigorous research conclusively demonstrate that rehabilitative approaches outperform punitive strategies across every meaningful metric. Meta-analyses show rehabilitation programs reduce recidivism by 15-20% with effects lasting up to three years, while punitive incarceration actually increases reoffending. Ojp Norway's rehabilitation-focused prisons improve employment outcomes and reduce crime in offenders' social networks, while comparable US facilities produce higher recidivism. NBER
The deterrence myth has been thoroughly debunked. Research shows "the chance of being caught is a vastly more effective deterrent than even draconian punishment." Prison sentences, particularly long ones, don't deter future crime because criminals rarely know specific sanctions and don't expect to be caught. As the US National Institute of Justice concludes: "Prisons may exacerbate recidivism."
Cost-benefit analyses reveal the economic irrationality of punitive approaches. Drug courts return $2 or more for every $1 invested. Restorative justice programs save £9 for every £1 spent while achieving 14% reductions in reoffending. Justice Portugal's health-focused drug policy reduced social costs by 12-18% compared to criminalisation. Time Meanwhile, US states spend an average $31,286 annually per prisoner—costs that are 13.9% higher than reported when including hidden expenses. RandVera
Communities worldwide have demonstrated that evidence-based alternatives create genuine safety without mass incarceration. Portugal's 2001 drug decriminalisation represents the gold standard—drug deaths fell to 5 times below the EU average, HIV infections dropped 90%, and drug offenses plummeted from 44% to 15.7% of prison sentences. TransformWikipedia Rather than criminal sanctions, Portugal invested in treatment, harm reduction, and social support.
Boston's community policing success shows how prioritising engagement over enforcement improves outcomes. Between 2014-2017, the city achieved a 17% reduction in serious crime with 44 fewer shootings while making 914 fewer arrests—an 11% reduction. OjpBoston The approach earned national recognition for building police-community partnerships through year-round district activities rather than aggressive patrols. Boston
Restorative justice programs consistently outperform traditional prosecution. Meta-analyses show 17% reductions in recidivism with 85% victim satisfaction rates—victims overwhelmingly prefer seeing offenders receive help rather than punishment. Ojp Mental health courts reduce recidivism by 42%, Taylor & Francis while problem-solving courts address root causes rather than symptoms. The Chicago "Becoming a Man" program cut violent crime arrests in half for participating youth through cognitive-behavioural therapy and mentorship. Uchicago
Mass incarceration inflicts profound intergenerational trauma on families and communities. In the United States, 1.25 million children have parents in state prison. Prisonpolicy These children are three times more likely to face behavioral problems and depression, twice as likely to suffer learning disabilities and anxiety. Televerde Foundation With 67% of incarcerated parents never receiving visits from their children, family bonds fracture permanently. Prisonpolicy
The racial disparities are unconscionable. African Americans face incarceration at 5 times the rate of whites, representing 34% of the US prison population while being 13% of the general population. EjiSentencingproject In Australia, Indigenous people are imprisoned at 16 times the rate of non-Indigenous people. Amnesty +3 Canada's Indigenous population represents 32% of adult inmates and 66.4% of youth in custody despite being only 5% of the population. Justice
Economic devastation follows incarceration. Families lose 22% of income during a member's imprisonment and 15% afterward. Epi Criminal records create permanent barriers to employment, housing, and education. Epi Communities lose potential workers, parents, and contributors to social capital. The UN recently documented these impacts as "shocking" human rights violations representing the "worst version of racist criminal legal system."
Understanding manipulation tactics provides the first defence against political exploitation. Citizens should recognize these warning signs: politicians highlighting exceptional cases as typical, proposing harsh symbolic policies without evidence, using racially coded language about "thugs" or "gangs," claiming crime waves despite falling statistics, and promising simple solutions to complex problems. HogrefeSage Journals When encountering crime rhetoric, voters should ask: What do actual crime statistics show? Who benefits politically from fear? What does research say about proposed solutions? How would policies affect marginalized communities? What alternatives does evidence support?
"Psychological inoculation" research shows that pre-emptive exposure to manipulation tactics builds resistance. When people understand how availability bias and mean world syndrome operate, they become less susceptible to fear appeals. Hogrefe +3 Teaching statistical literacy about crime trends, source evaluation skills, and emotional regulation techniques creates resilient citizens who demand evidence-based policies.
Effective counter-messaging emphasizes being "smart on crime" rather than "soft on crime." The Appeal Focus discussions on cost-effectiveness—every dollar spent on rehabilitation saves multiple dollars in incarceration costs. Highlight victim preferences for restorative approaches and offender rehabilitation. Share success stories from evidence-based programs. Point to bipartisan support for reform, including conservative backing for initiatives like the First Step Act. Fwd
The philosophical underpinnings of punitive justice increasingly crumble under scrutiny. Traditional retributivist arguments based on moral desert and proportional punishment assume individual culpability while ignoring structural factors like poverty, mental illness, and systemic discrimination. As philosopher Jeffrie Murphy reflected, "enthusiasm for settling scores" may reflect "the soul of a shopkeeper" rather than principled justice. Stanford
Restorative justice philosophies, rooted in Indigenous practices, view crime as violation of relationships requiring repair rather than abstract offenses against the state demanding punishment. PubMed This approach aligns with evidence showing victims prefer rehabilitation over retribution and that addressing harm through dialogue produces better outcomes than isolation and suffering.
The transformative justice movement, led primarily by Black, Indigenous, and people of color organisers, envisions creating safety without relying on state violence. Transformharm As Angela Davis argues, abolition means building alternatives that address root causes—investing in education, healthcare, housing, and economic opportunity rather than cages and surveillance. When communities have resources to thrive, crime becomes less likely than when desperation drives survival choices.
As philosopher Jeffrie Murphy reflected, "enthusiasm for settling scores" may reflect "the soul of a shopkeeper" rather than principled justice.
The evidence overwhelmingly demonstrates that "tough on crime" political theatre represents a dangerous fraud perpetrated on democratic societies. While fear-based messaging wins elections, it fails to improve public safety, wastes billions in public resources, destroys families and communities, and violates basic human rights. Ojp +4 The persistence of these strategies despite their documented failures reveals how political incentives can override evidence, ethics, and human welfare.
Yet hope emerges from successful alternatives worldwide and shifting public opinion. When Portugal decriminalised drugs, when Boston prioritised community policing, when Norway designed humane prisons, they proved that treating people with dignity while addressing root causes creates genuine safety. R Street Institute +2 The growing criminal justice reform movement, supported by 81% of voters across party lines, demonstrates that citizens increasingly reject the politics of fear in favour of evidence-based solutions. AcluFwd
Creating lasting change requires sustained effort on multiple fronts. Media organisations must reform crime coverage to reflect statistical reality rather than sensationalism. Educational institutions should teach media literacy and critical thinking about crime and justice. ResearchGateIadb Political leaders must show courage in promoting evidence-based policies even when opponents invoke fear. Communities need investment in prevention, mental health services, education, and economic opportunity rather than punishment infrastructure.
Most fundamentally, societies must choose between two visions of justice: one based on retribution, fear, and exclusion that has demonstrably failed, or one grounded in restoration, evidence, and human dignity that research shows actually works. Humanrights +2 The theatre of fear has run too long, destroyed too many lives, and cost too much in both money and moral authority. Everyday Feminism The evidence points clearly toward a more effective and humane path—we need only the collective will to take it.
As citizens, we hold the power to end this destructive political theatre by demanding leaders who prioritize evidence over emotion, rehabilitation over retribution, and human dignity over electoral gain. The research is clear, the alternatives proven, and the moral imperative undeniable. The only question remaining is whether we will continue accepting political manipulation that harms the most vulnerable among us, or finally insist on justice systems that actually create justice.
Queensland Government Crime Statistics
National Indigenous Justice Data
Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI)
Bureau of Justice Statistics
U.S. Department of Justice
Lipsey, M.W. (2009)
Aos, S., et al. (2006)
Cullen, F.T., Jonson, C.L., & Nagin, D.S. (2011)
Pratt, T.C., et al. (2006)
Gendreau, P., Goggin, C., & Cullen, F.T. (1999)
Witte, K., & Allen, M. (2000)
Huddy, L., et al. (2005)
Hughes, C.E. & Stevens, A. (2010)
European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction (EMCDDA)
Greenwald, G. (2009)
Pratt, J. & Eriksson, A. (2013)
Kristoffersen, R. (2013)
Boston Police Department Annual Reports
Braga, A.A., et al. (2018)
Nixon Presidential Library Archives
Haldeman, H.R. (1968)
Atwater, L. (1981)
Romer, D., et al. (2003)
Dorfman, L. & Schiraldi, V. (2001)
UN Convention on the Rights of the Child
UN Committee on the Rights of the Child
UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention
Human Rights Watch
Amnesty International Australia
Trove (National Library of Australia)
State Library Collections
The Guardian Australia
ABC News Analysis
The Conversation
Australia Institute
Per Capita
Grattan Institute
The Marshall Project (United States)
Prison Policy Initiative (United States)
Transform Drug Policy Foundation (UK)
Australian National University - RegNet
Griffith University - Crime and Justice Research Centre
University of New South Wales - Australian Human Rights Institute
Harvard Kennedy School - Program in Criminal Justice
University of Cambridge - Institute of Criminology
Law Council of Australia
Australian Lawyers Alliance
International Association of Chiefs of Police
International Centre for Prison Studies
OECD Justice Data
World Prison Brief
Datawrapper
Flourish Studio
Tableau Public
Cochrane Collaboration Guidelines
Campbell Collaboration
Australian Research Council
First Draft
Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism
Our World in Data
Pew Research Center